—  HISTORY OF PATHOLOGY SOCIETY   —

Tuberculosis and the Vampire Legend


Ann Nelson
Armed Forces Institute of Pathology
Washington, DC


Abstract
Medical folk beliefs allow a culture to deal with the physical, emotional, psychological, and societal aspects of the natural events of death and disease. Epidemic disease episodes and the appearance and handling of the dead resulted in unique folk beliefs. One such belief is that reanimated corpses could drain the life of the living. This "vampire" folk belief is found in many cultures, and is quite distinct in each. Not surprisingly, actions taken by the living upon the dead are often leave evidence in skeletal remains.

This presentation examines historic, bioarcheological, and paleopathological evidence in support of a nineteenth century New England folk belief in vampires with a particular reference to a colonial period burial. The New England folk belief in vampires revolved around a deceased tuberculosis victim returning from the dead to cause the "wasting away" of the surviving relatives. To stop the actions of the vampire, the body of the consumptive was exhumed and disrupted in various ways. Historic accounts of this activity indicate that the belief was not uncommon in nineteenth century New England.

Three pieces of evidence are important in this case. The skeleton of a 50-55 year-old male from a mid-nineteenth century Connecticut cemetery exhibiting skeletal lesions of pulmonary tuberculosis provides the physical evidence of the vampire folklore. Secondly, the bones of the skeleton had been rearranged after the body had skeletonized. This indicates that some action was taken against the remains of this person. Lastly, there is written evidence of the vampire folklore being in the same town at the same time of this burial.

Introduction
Many cultures have developed folk beliefs to explain the natural phenomena associated with death and disease. The folk belief in vampires, found in many cultures, incorporates interpretations of death and disease. The vampire image found in contemporary Euroamerican cultures is based solely on Bram Stoker's Dracula, an image which varies significantly from historic European and American vampire folk beliefs. Eighteenth century European peasants believed that the appearance of the vampire in the grave (i.e. bloated chest, long fingernails, and blood draining from the mouth) meant that the vampire was draining life from the living. These changes are the result of the decompositional process. Further, the deaths resulting from disease epidemics were blamed on vampires. To stop the epidemic, vampires were sought out and "killed" by various methods.

The term "vampirism" has also entered the psychiatric literature to explain pathologic behaviors similar to those of the mythical vampire, particularly ingestion of blood and necrophagic and cannibalistic activities. The clinical manifestations of several diseases have been cited by medical researchers as being the cause of the vampire folklore in Europe. These include erythropoietic protoporphyria, rabies, and pellagra. These interpretations, although intriguing, focus on the appearance of fictional vampires (like Dracula), rather than on the appearance of the actual folkloric vampire.

American vampire folk beliefs, which were particularly strong in 19th century New England, contained some European features. The New England folklore is consistent in its incorporation of tuberculosis and examination of the body of the vampire for putative signs of life. Following the death of a family member from consumption (tuberculosis), other family members began to show the signs of tuberculosis infection. According to the New England folk belief, the "wasting away" of these family members was attributed to the recently deceased consumptive, who returned from the dead as a vampire to drain the life from the surviving relatives. The apotropaic remedy used to kill the vampire varied. In some cases the body was exhumed, and if found undecomposed, the blood-filled heart was burned. In some cases, the corpse was turned over. In other accounts, the entire body was burned.

Tuberculosis in 19th Century Europe and America
Nineteenth century Euroamericans had a fascination with tuberculosis or consumption. Consumption, as the name implies, is a chronic, wasting disease. Accounts of persons suffering from TB describe the physical appearance of the person as "losing flesh" and other such terms. In nineteenth century Europe and America, there was a desire, especially among women, to procure the "consumptive look". The look consisted of pallid, almost translucent skin, nervous prostation, languidness, and weakness. A notable Hollywood portrayal is the performance of Greta Garbo as the consumptive Camille in the 1937 film of the same name. TB was also known to increase both the sexual and gustatory appetites. The disease caused such a strange combination of desire and waning in the victim that those who saw the disease progress were surely frightened.

In Nicholas Nickleby, Charles Dickens describes consumption as a disease "in which the struggle between soul and body is so gradual, quiet, and solemn, and the result so sure, that day by day, and grain by grain, the mortal part wastes and withers away, so that the spirit grows light and sanguine with its lightening load". Susan Sontag points out that "...TB was once…thought to be a pathology of energy, a disease of the will".

Although 19th century western culture accepted TB as a disease, the mode of transmission and effective treatment were unknown. In order to combat the disease, TB sanatoriums were built and prescriptions to move to drier climates given to sufferers. TB cut across all socioeconomic classes, making it a disease that anyone could suffer from. The vampire folklore is one response to the human desire to do combat the disease.

New England Vampire Folklore
The New England vampire belief had some similarities with the vampire folklore of Europe. The following historical account from 19th century New England should be compared to the Plogojowitz account. The role of tuberculosis is the key to this account and all New England vampire folklore.

The Brown family is buried in the Chestnut Hill Cemetery in the farming town of Exeter, Rhode Island. George and Mary Eliza, the mother and father, had among their seven children three named Mary Olive, Mercy Lenna, and Edwin. Mrs. Brown died of consumption, now known as tuberculosis, on Dec. 8, 1883. Other family members soon succumbed to the disease, not surprising given that TB is highly contagious, and even less surprising given the cramped living conditions of farm compounds. Mary Olive died on June 6, 1884 of consumption. Several years passed and Edwin became ill with tuberculosis. To regain his health, he moved to the dry climate of Colorado, not an uncommon practice to stave off the ravages of the disease. On January 17, 1892, Mercy passed away from consumption, and Edwin returned to Exeter soon after her death. Soon after his arrival, his health began to decline. After consulting with his friends and family, it was decided that one of his deceased relatives was undead and draining the life from him. According to the local beliefs, the undead corpse or vampire, drains the life of the living consumption victim, causing them to in turn waste away. To kill the vampire, the body must be exhumed, and, if the body is found undecomposed, the blood-filled heart is removed and burned.

Edwin had no choice. The bodies of his mother and two sisters were exhumed in March of 1892. Mary Eliza and Mary Olive were skeletons, but Mercy, who was dead only a few months, was found undecomposed and with "blood in her heart". Her heart was removed and burned on a nearby rock and, as the account goes, Edwin made a potion with the ashes and drank it as an antidote. Not surprisingly, he died four months later.

This account is not unusual for 19th century New England. We have found at least twelve accounts documenting similar beliefs and activities. Geographically, most are situated in eastern Connecticut, southern Rhode Island, and central/southern Vermont. They range in time from the late 1700s to the late 1800s. Eleven of the twelve accounts list consumption as the cause of death of the vampire and any deceased relatives.

As in the Brown case, these accounts indicate that family members become inflicted with the disease before or soon after the death of the vampire. TB is notorious for being transmitted between individuals of different generations living under cramped conditions, not uncommon given the large families and small dwellings of New England farmers. Seasonal periods of low nutrition and the unsanitary conditions of 18th and 19th century farming compounds provide vectors for the transmission of tuberculosis between family members.

Recall the desire for life and energy that was seen in consumptives. That this desire for energy could continue after death is supported in the vampire belief. After tuberculosis consumed the life of the vampire, it seems natural that their appetite after death would extend to the next-of-kin, who would suffer a similar "loss of flesh". Such a belief is a cultural interpretation consistent with modern knowledge concerning the transmission of TB.

The New England vampire belief is based on a folk interpretation of the physical appearance of the tuberculosis victim and the transmission of tuberculosis. As the name "consumption" implies, the disease caused sufferers to "waste away" and "lose flesh", despite the fact that they remained active, desirous of sustenance, and maintained a fierce will to live. This dichotomy of desire and "wasting away" is reflected in the vampire folk belief: the vampire's desire for "food" forces it to feed off living relatives, who suffer a similar "wasting away".

The vampire folklore is also consistent with modern knowledge of the transmission of tuberculosis. Many of the historic accounts indicate that family members living in close association became infected with the disease before or soon after the death of the "vampire". Tuberculosis is notorious for being transmitted between individuals of different generations living under crowded conditions, a situation common in rural 19th century New England farming communities. Seasonal periods of low nutrition and the unsanitary conditions of 18th and 19th century farming compounds increased the opportunity for the transmission of tuberculosis between family members.

The method of dispatching a vampire, also known as an apotropaic remedy, centers around the destruction of the vampire's body. In the New England folklore, a common theme is blood found in the heart of the exhumed vampire. The apotropaic was to burn the heart, in the process ridding the family of the vampire's actions. Most historic accounts indicate that upon exhuming the vampire, the body was found undecomposed. The process of decomposition is variable, and most people are unfamiliar with the appearance of a partially decomposed body. Additionally, a byproduct of decomposition is reddish fluid in the body cavity resulting from the decomposing internal organs. Other methods of dispatching the New England vampire are known: turning the body over, burning the entire body

Examination of New England Bioarcheological Evidence
It stands to reason that archeological evidence of the New England vampire belief would exist in 19th century cemeteries. This evidence would most likely be found in a skeleton which would be associated with three pieces of evidence:

  1. The skeleton must have been disrupted after death

  2. The skeleton would also have to show evidence of tuberculosis

  3. The skeleton would have to come from an area where the vampire folklore is documented.

In 1990, two children playing near a gravel hill in Griswold, Connecticut, uncovered some human skeletal remains. After examining the site, the state archeologist was asked by the landowner to excavate the graves of a small cemetery located on the gravel hill. Twenty-nine burials were removed from the site. Document research reveals that a family of farmers named Walton used the hill as a burial ground from 1690 to 1840. Most remains had been buried in coffins, some of which were placed in stone-lined crypts. The skeletons of fifteen children, six adult males, and eight adult females were removed.

Of particular note are the remains of a 50-55 year old male buried in a stone-lined grave. The skeleton was the best preserved of the entire cemetery and was nearly complete except for some of the distal phalanges. On the coffin lid, a row of tacks spelled "JB-55". Upon opening the grave, the archaeologists were surprised to find that the bones of the chest were in disarray. On top of the lower part of the chest, the femora had been crossed over one another and the skull had been moved from its anatomical location and placed on top of the upper chest bones. The general appearance was that of a skull and crossbones.

The movement of the bones indicates that no soft tissue was present at the time of rearrangement. Recall that in the Brown case, the heart was removed and burned. In this case, no heart remained to be burned. Despite the lack of soft tissue, I believe that in this case the bones were rearranged to ward kill the vampire. The bones of the chest in the area of the heart were jumbled, and in terms of the other bones, what better arrangement of the skeletal elements than a skull and crossbones. In Europe, postmortem decapitation was a common European method of dispatching a vampire.

On examination of the skeleton in the laboratory, we were able to discern several pathological conditions in this skeleton including healed fractures of the ribs and right collarbone, osteoarthritis of the left knee and spine, and an infection of the left foot. Of particular note are three skeletal lesions on the visceral surface of the left 2nd, 3rd, and 4th ribs. These lesions are similar to those described by researchers as most likely being caused by pulmonary tuberculosis. Regardless of the specific infectious etiology of pulmonary disease in this individual, symptoms of a chronic pulmonary infection severe enough to produce rib lesions would have probably included coughing, expectoration of mucous, and aches and pains of the chest. Such symptoms, if not actually caused by pulmonary tuberculosis, would likely have been interpreted as consumption by 19th century rural New Englanders.
The final piece of evidence is this historic account:
In the May 20, 1854, issue of the Norwich (Connecticut) Courier, there is the account of an incident that occurred at Jewett [City], a city in that vicinity. About eight years previously, Horace Ray of Griswold [note the town] had died of consumption. Afterwards, two of his children - grown-up sons - died of the same disease, the last one dying about 1852. Not long before the date of the newspaper the same fatal disease had seized another son, whereupon it was determined to exhume the bodies of the two brothers and burn them, because the dead were supposed to feed upon the living; and so long as the dead body in the grave remained undecomposed, either wholly or in part, the surviving members of the family must continue to furnish substance on which the dead body could feed. Acting under the influence of this strange superstition, the family and friends of the deceased proceeded to the burial ground on June 8, 1854, dug up the bodies of the deceased brothers, and burned them on the spot (Wright, 1973).
This account places the vampire belief in the Jewett City/Griswold area just after the time span of the Griswold cemetery. The excellent preservation of the vampire skeleton indicates that it was probably buried toward the latter time period for the cemetery (ca. 1800-1840), thus placing the internment of this individual close to the time of the above account. The town of Griswold was settled just after 1812 in part by emigrants from western Rhode Island, who were, according to local tradition, uneducated and "vicious" [20]. Note in Table 1 that several vampire accounts are also located in western Rhode Island:

Table 1 - Historic vampire accounts from New England

Date Location Sex of vampire Age of vampire Time elapsed
from death
to exhumation 		Cause of death Reference
c. 1780 Dummerston, VT F Adult Unknown Consumption [14]
1790 Manchester, VT F Adult 6 months Consumption [16]
1799 Exeter, RI F Adult Months Consumption [5, 6, 12, 22]
1807 Plymouth, MA F Adult 2 months Consumption [27]
1817 Vermont M Unkown Unknown Unknown [5, 24]
1827 Foster, RI F Adult 2-3 months Consumption [7]
1829 Woodstock, VT M Adult 6 months Consumption [5, 8, 24]
1854 Jewett City, CT M(3)1 Adult 2 years Consumption [8, 30]
1874 Peacedale, RI F Unkown Unknown Consumption [5]
1892 Exeter, RI F(3)2 Adult 11 yrs; 2 months3 Consumption [5, 10, 12, 25]
19th c Southern RI M Unkown Unknown Consumption [25]
19th c Southern RI Unkown Unkown Unknown Consumption [25]

1 Bodies of three adults exhumed
2 Bodies of three adult females exhumed
3 Two bodies were interred for 11 years; one body interred for 2 months

The Rhode Island belief was examined by Stetson [25], who relates that the Rhode Islanders he interviewed did not consider their practice to be vampirism but rather believed it was a way to protect living relatives from potential vampiristic actions of a deceased consumptive.

How did the vampire belief get to New England? The most logical explanation is that emigrants from vampire-rich areas of eastern Europe settled in the parts of New England where the belief is strongest. I doubt that it arose in its own. Some of our preliminary research indicates that parts of Rhode Island were settled by eastern Europeans.

Vampire Readings

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  2. Bell M 1994 Vampires in Rhode Island? Old Rhode Island Magazine, October 1994.

  3. Bell, Michael 2001 Food for the Dead: On the Trail of New England's Vampires. Carroll & Graf Publishers.

  4. Bellantoni N, PS Sledzik, and D Poirier 1997 Rescue, Research and Reburial: Walton Family Cemetery Project, Griswold, Connecticut. In: D Poirier and N Bellantoni (eds), In Remembrance: Archaeology and Death. Bergin and Garvey, Westport, Connecticut, pp. 131-154.

  5. Cahill RE (1989) New England's Things That Go Bump in the Night. Peabody, Mass.: Chandler-Smith Publishing House, Inc.

  6. Clauson JE (1936) These Plantations. Providence Evening Bulletin, December 23, 1936.

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  10. "Exhumed the Bodies/Testing a Horrible Superstition in the Town of Exeter/Bodies of Dead Relatives Taken from their Graves." Providence Journal, March 19, 1892, page 3.

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  15. McCully RS 1964 Vampirism: Historical perspective and underlying process in relation to a case of autovampirism. Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases. 193: 440-452.

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  17. McNally RT and R Florescu 1994 In Search of Dracula: The History of Dracula and Vampires. Houghton Mifflin.

  18. Perkowski JL 1976 Vampires of the Slavs. Slavica Publishers, Cambridge, Mass.

  19. Perkowski JL 1989 The Darkling: A Treatise on Slavic Vampirism. Slavica Publishers, Columbus, Ohio.

  20. Phillips D (1929) Griswold--A History: Being a History of the Town of Griswold Connecticut from the Earliest Times into the World War in 1917. No city: Tuttle, Morehouse, and Taylor. p. 135.

  21. Rondina C 1997 Vampire Legends of Rhode Island. Covered Bridge Press, North Attleborough, Mass.

  22. Simister FP (1978) A Short History of Exeter, Rhode Island. Exeter Bicentennial Commission.

  23. Sledzik PS and N Bellantoni 1994 Archeological and biocultural evidence for the New England vampire belief. American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 94:269-274. (http://users.net1plus.com/vyrdolak/NEfolkbelief.htm)

  24. Stephens R (1970) The vampire's heart. In WR Hard and JC Greene (eds): Mischief in the Mountains. Montpelier, Vermont:

  25. Stetson G (1898) The animistic vampire in New England. Amer. Anthropol. 9:1-13.

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  27. "Superstitions of New England." Old Colony Memorial and Plymouth County Advertiser, May 4, 1822, p. 4.

  28. Vermont Life Magazine Press. pp. 71-80.

  29. Winkler MG and KE Anderson 1990 Vampires, porphyria and the media: Medicalization of a myth. Perspectives in Biology and Medicine, 33:598-611.

  30. Wright D 1973 The Book of Vampires. New York: Causeway Books.